Ecological Dimensions of Abbasid Civilization and Their Relevance to Islamic Education

Islamic Ecological Thought in the Abbasid Period

The earth that is inhabited and used as a place of activity by humans does not belong to them absolutely, but belongs to its true Owner, namely Allah SWT., who created the universe and life. God established laws, rules, and boundaries for life on earth; Obeying it and not exceeding these limits is an obligation for every human being who wants salvation for himself, society, and the earth and its contents. Among these restrictions is the prohibition of doing damage and destruction on earth. Whoever disregards this principle and acts unjustly and excessively ultimately brings ruin upon himself.

Issues of nature have been a concern of Islam since more than 1400 years ago, occupying an important place in the teachings of the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet, making them worthy of being called the "environmental constitution of Islam" (Muhamad et al., 2020). One of the main characteristics of Islam as a religion is its comprehensive view of existence, life, and man (Kasa, 2025). This view influences all moral orientations and principles of Islamic legislation, explaining various aspects of human life, revealing the nature of diverse existences, and answering fundamental questions about the meaning and purpose of human existence. Within this framework, Islam formulates its attitude towards the earth's resources and environmental components and regulates various forms of human relations with them. In summary, this view implies that Allah SWT. is the Creator of the universe and all its contents; It is He who creates, shapes, and possesses them, and has complete control over them. He regulates, turns on and off, maintains and terminates, recompenses and sets terms according to His will. Therefore, humans are obliged to obey the rules that have been set by Allah in regulating their interaction with nature in all its forms and dimensions.

The majority of mufassir affirm that humans do not in essence have absolute ownership over anything on earth. al-Ṭabarī views in QS. al-Kahf [18]:82, that human beings are only representatives or trustees, because all property is essentially the property of Allah whom He created and created (Muḥammad ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, 2001, pp. 88–91). Humans are only given the authority to use it, not as the true owners. Al-Qurthubi in his commentary on the above verse, encouraged people to fulfill their rights to the property before it was transferred to someone else (Al-Qurṭubī, 2003, p. 38). Ibn Kathīr in his interpretation of QS. al-Kahf [18]:82 views the property as a trust that was previously in the hands of the previous generation, then passed on to the next generation to be used in the context of obedience to Allah (Ibn Kathīr, 2011, p. 187). If it is not used according to the provisions, then humans will be held accountable and sanctioned for the negligence. Al-Alusi also affirms the same meaning, that what is in man's hands is essentially Allah's, and man is only a representative who is commanded to channel it according to His will, so that he is not bound by the desire to accumulate and dominate it excessively (Al-Ālūsī, 1994).

Etymologically and terminologically, in a broader scope, the environment encompasses cosmic elements such as the earth, sky, water, and air, as well as encompassing the relationship between the natural world (al-'ālam al-kawnī) and the living world (Asif, 2025). It includes water resources, soil, rocks, living organisms, as well as all aspects related to purity, feasibility, damage, pollution, and sustainability. The environment also includes biological dimensions such as reproduction and inheritance, as well as the mutual relationship of humans with other living things. Therefore, the environment is not just a collection of physical objects, but a dynamic relational network. Historically, the term al-bī'ah has been used by Muslim scholars since the third century Hijri, including Ibn 'Abd Rabbih in al-'Aqd al-Farīd, who interprets it as a natural as well as a human social environment. This understanding shows that the Islamic intellectual tradition has long integrated geographical, biological, political, intellectual, and ethical dimensions in understanding the environment. This means that the environment in the Islamic perspective is never reduced to a mere physical entity, but is understood as a space of civilization. Even the environment is also understood as the natural world in Aristotelian terms referred to as the realm of occurrence and corruption ('ālam al-kawn wa al-fasād). In a political-philosophical sense, the environment also includes the concept of homeland (waṭan), which is the identity space where humans are born, grow, and build emotional attachments (Abou-Tabickh, 2019). However, modern consciousness expands that meaning to include planet earth as the "great homeland" of humanity.

In this context, man and earth are part of one system of inseparable cosmic unity. Ontologically in the perspective of the heavenly religions, man was created from the ground, which shows that he is an integral part of nature, not an entity that stands outside of it. Even in Islamic philosophy, human beings are seen as part of the cosmic order, even though they have rational superiority. Even biologically, the human body is composed of the same chemical elements as the earth elements carbon, iron, phosphorus, calcium, and so on, so that the relationship between humans and the environment is not a dualistic relationship, but a unity of origins. In the perspective of Islamic theology, nature serves as a kauniyah verse of signs of God's existence. The mutakallimun use the argument hudūth al-'ālam (the novelty of nature) to affirm the existence of a Creator, while philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Sina use the argument of imkān al-wujūd (contingency) to arrive at the concept of Wājib al-Wujūd. Ibn Rushd and other theologians developed dalīl al-'ināyah (the argument for order and purpose), which viewed ecological harmony as evidence of the existence of a divine designer. Even the beauty of nature, according to al-Tawhidi, is an aesthetic manifestation of the abundance of God's perfection.

The concept of similarity (analogy) between beings is also found in Neoplatonism, the Arabic philosophy of illumination (isyraqi), the Gnostic tradition, and Islamic Sufism. This theory states that there is a gradual connection between the basic elements of nature until it reaches humans. This idea is widespread in Islamic thought. Al-Farabi, for example, arranges a hierarchy of forms in the material world (i.e., this environment), in which man is part of nature under the sphere of the moon, along with animals, plants, minerals, and the four basic elements. According to him, all of these entities are chains that are arranged in stages and form a harmonious unity because everything comes from the First One (Allah) (Karaman, 2025).

In addition, Muslim philosophers and theologians' attention to the environment and nature also serves as a way to know the Creator. Al-Kindi and the majority of theologians are of the opinion that everything in this realm is new (hadith); since nature is a collection of new parts, it must have a Creator. While al-Farabi and Ibn Sina, who argue about the temporal permanence of nature, state that all entities are possible (mumkin al-wujud) and therefore require the Wājib al-Wujūd. A very careful order in the order of nature is evidence of the existence of a Regulator, namely Allah. The argument about the "postulates of al-'inayah" (the argument of divine providence) also shows that Allah subdued all creature inanimate objects, plants, and animals for the benefit of man in his life. The environment created from nothingness is also used as a basis by Muslim philosophers in what is known as "dalil al-ikhtira” (creation argument). From the aesthetic side, Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi views that everything that Allah creates is beautiful because it comes from Him who bestows beauty (Gabsi, 2024). He also associates the concept of beauty with utility, something that is beneficial is beautiful, while that which is detrimental is bad.

Historical and Cultural Foundations of Abbasid Environmental Practices

The development of environmental governance during the Abbasid Dynasty cannot be understood as a phenomenon that appeared suddenly, but rather as the result of the accumulation of ecological, cultural, and intellectual traditions that had developed in Near Eastern civilizations before and in the early Islamic period (Allahham, 2025a). In addition to being based on environmental ethics sourced from the Qur'an and Sunnah, the Abbasid people also inherited practical knowledge of water management, agriculture, and the art of landscaping from various civilizations that had long flourished in the Mesopotamian region. Thus, the success of the Abbasid in building a developed urban environment was the result of the process of adaptation, assimilation, and refinement of various local traditions into the framework of Islamic values. One of the cultural heritages that had a great influence on the development of the Abbasid urban landscape was the Mesopotamian tradition of landscaping. The love of nature that later flourished in Baghdad and Samarra was rooted in horticultural practices that have long been known in the Iraqi region (UNESCO, 2025). Prior to the establishment of the Abbasid Dynasty, the Christian communities around the monastery had developed the garden as part of religious life as well as a productive space that combined aesthetic, recreational, and natural resource functions (Rivera et al., 2025). This tradition developed according to the geographical character of Mesopotamia which had different topographic and climatic conditions from Persia and Byzantium, thus giving birth to a distinctive form of landscaping that was more responsive to the local environment.

The tradition in turn was enriched by the long experience of the Mesopotamian people in managing landscapes in relatively arid regions. Since the time of the Assyrians and Babylonians, the construction of the park was intended not only as a symbol of the splendor of the rulers, but also as an ecological solution to create green space in the midst of an environment dominated by dry plains. The legend of the Hanging Gardens of Babylon reflects the ability of hydraulic engineering as well as an understanding of the importance of vegetation in creating a comfortable urban climate. The historical experience provided the technical and aesthetic foundations that were later inherited by Islamic societies when the center of government moved to the Mesopotamian region. However, Abbasid landscaping was not just a reproduction of earlier traditions. The Abbasid civilization succeeded in transforming various cultural elements from Arab, Persian, Syriac, Turkish, as well as Christian, Mandaean, and Zoroastrian communities into a new form that reflected the character of Islam (Melvin-Koushki, 2025). This process shows that Abbasid culture developed through creative acculturation mechanisms, not just imitations of previous civilizations. The political and intellectual openness of the Abbasid government allowed various ethnic and religious groups to contribute in the fields of architecture, engineering, agriculture, and science (Ibn-Abi, 2010). Therefore, the progress of the Abbasid urban environment was the result of cross-cultural collaboration united by a relatively inclusive and science-oriented Islamic system of government.

The process of inheritance began to be seen from the beginning of the establishment of the Abbasid government. After replacing the Umayyad Dynasty in 750 AD, the Abbasid caliphs moved the seat of government from Damascus to Iraq, a region that has had an urban tradition and a thriving environmental management system for centuries. The first caliph, Abu al-Abbas al-Saffah, first established his seat of government in al-Hasyimiyyah before later moving it to the adjacent area of Mar Yunan Monastery (Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, 1977). The area is known to have beautiful and well-organized gardens so that it is often a stopover place for officials and caliphs. The beauty of this landscape was even immortalized by contemporary poets who described narcissus, anemones, violets, lilies, and various other plants as symbols of beauty, tranquility, and prosperity. The tradition of appreciation for the garden then took on a more systematic form during the Abbasid period through the construction of palace gardens, green open spaces, and urban landscapes that culminated in the development of Baghdad and Samarra (Shābushtī, 1951). Thus, ecological development in the Abbasid period was a continuation as well as a creative transformation of the environmental heritage that had long developed in the Mesopotamian civilization and the early Islamic world.

Environmental Management in the Abbasid Dynasty

As for Abu Ja'far al-Mansur (754–775 AD), the second Abbasid caliph who in many ways is considered the true founder of the new dynasty, established the permanent capital of the Abbasid in a new city on the west bank of the Tigris River, not far from the ruins of the ancient Sasanian Persian capital, Ctesiphon (Jawād & Sūsah, 1958). The new city later acquired the official name Madinat al-Salām (City of Peace) or Dār al-Salām (Land of Peace), a designation that appears twice in the Qur'an (QS. al-An'ām [6]:127 and QS. Yūnus [10]:25–26) with the meaning of heaven. Since the Abbasid dynasty was born through a movement that was religiously charged and made religion the basis for unity and legitimacy of power, it is very possible that the Qur'anic meaning was the inspiration for the naming of the city (Al-Baghdādī, 2002, Vol. 1 p. 364–369). The first Abbasid was built in the garden area of Mar Fathion Monastery by the founder of Baghdad soon after the city was completed. The palace was named Qaṣr al-Khuld which means Palace of Eternity, which is heaven. Seven years later a second palace was built in the same park with the name Qaṣr al-Qarār which means Palace of Peace, a Qur'anic designation that is also reminiscent of the image of heaven. In addition, Al-Muqaddasī in Aḥsan al-Taqāsīm fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm describes various regions by taking into account the quality of air, water, soil, produce, and the characteristics of their inhabitants (al-Muqaddasī, 1906, p. 2).

In general, the history of Abbasid art is almost entirely concerned with the two main cities, namely Baghdad and Samarra (al-Yaʿqūbī, 1883, Vol. 2 p. 573–587). Samarra was the second Abbasid capital built about 110 kilometers north of Baghdad in 835 AD by Al-Mu'tasim to house his Turkish troops. In the early stages, the monastery's horticultural art seems to have had a great influence on the Abbasid style of gardening. Over time, however, the Persian influence grew stronger and the Abbasid gardens developed to become much more grandiose and intricate. This style is characterized by the use of expensive and glittering materials that are prominently displayed to show the social standing, wealth, and splendor of the owner. This character was evident in the palaces in Samarra and later in Baghdad. After Al-Mu'tamid left Samarra and returned to Baghdad in 892 A.D., his nephew, Al-Mu'tadid, two years later began building the Qaṣr al-Tāj (Crown Palace) on the banks of the Tigris River. Shortly afterwards he decided to build another palace about two miles to the northeast, namely Qaṣr al-Thurayyā (Pleiades Palace). The two palaces are connected by an underground tunnel more than three kilometers long. Around the palace were built vast gardens, and in the center of which was dug a large artificial lake that drained water through a canal that connected the Moses River in the east with the Tigris River in the west (Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, 1977, p. 75). In addition, al-Muʿtaḍid reportedly built an animal husbandry complex that housed various types of animals, reflecting the tradition of royal patronage of parks and animal collections that had previously flourished in the Abbasid court, particularly during al-Mutawakkil's reign in Samarra. This practice shows a concern for the management of parks, cultivation spaces, and biological resources within the royal environment. At the same time, supportive environmental conditions are closely linked to agricultural productivity and economic well-being, as soil fertility and water availability are important factors in sustaining settlements and people's livelihoods. Islamic cities in the past also portrayed the existence of parks, farmland, and water-related infrastructure as an important part of the urban environment (Al-Masʿūdī, 1989, Vol. 2 p. 302, 4 p. 702).

In the 9th century AD, the son of Harun al-Rashid, a figure who in the Western world is synonymous with the story of the Thousand and One Nights, founded a new Abbasid capital which was first named Surra Man Ra'ā (blessed are those who see it), then better known as Samarra. This city located on the banks of the Tigris River even surpasses Baghdad in its luxury and splendor.

Figure 1

The Round City of Baghdad Abbasid Period (Le Strange, 2005)

Visually, Figure 1 illustrates that Baghdad’s urban development took place within an urban space closely interconnected with the natural landscape and water infrastructure. Al-Ya'qubi, writing in 889 AD, reported that the entire city area had been transformed by al-Mu'tasim into gardens for the elite. Each park is equipped with a palace, hall, pond, as well as an equestrian and polo arena. His son, al-Mutawakkil, who was very fond of roses, even surpassed his father in the construction of palaces with extraordinarily beautiful gardens (al-Yaʿqūbī, 1883, Vol. 2 p. 575). Archaeological data combined with literary sources show that one of al-Mutawakkil's seventeen palaces, al-Jawsaq al-Khaqānī, has an area gardens equipped with pavilions, halls, and large ponds, while the entire complex is surrounded by walls (Khalīlī, 1965). Even the sistana called Qaṣr al-Ṣabīḥ is equipped with a garden with a waterwheel (noria), and the animal used to drive the wheels of the wheel is not cows as is commonly used, but ostriches as al-Buḥturī explains the palace in his verse:

مُستَمِدٌّ بِجَدوَلٍ مِن عُبابِ الماءِ كَالأَبيَضِ الصَقيلِ الحُسام # فَإِذا ما تَوَسَّطَ البِركَةَ الخَضراءَ أَلقَت عَلَيهِ صِبغَ الرُخامِ

فَتَراهُ كَأَنَّهُ ماءُ بَحرٍ يَخدَعُ العَينَ وَهوَ ماءُ غَمامِ # وَالدَواليبُ إِذ يَدُرنَ وَلا ناضِحُ يُسقى بِهِنَّ غَيرُ النَعامِ

The water was flowing through a creek that came from the rush of water, like a white sword that was sharpened and shining. When the water reached the middle of the green pool, the marble reflected its color and beauty on the water. So you saw it as if it were the water of the sea, which deceives the eyes, when in fact it is the water of the clouds. And the wheels of the water turned, with no water-sucking animal to move them except the ostrich (al-Ṣayrafi, 2009, p. 2006).

One of al-Mutawakkil's favorite projects in Samarra was Ḥayr al-Waḥsh, which is a zoo or zoological park that he built in the south of the city as a place of private recreation. There are more than two thousand types of animals, both wild and domesticated. In addition, an extraordinarily beautiful rustic palace was built with a giant pond in front of it (Robinson, 2001). In terms of design, the pool is not only a symbol of extraordinary luxury, but also shows the sophistication of engineering techniques of its time. An artificial river called the Nayzak flows from the northern part of the Tigris River through the entire park, then passes through a large pond before finally emptying back into the Tigris River. The entire area was planted with trees and shrubs brought from various areas of the caliphate (Susa, 1948). The wildlife is kept in very spacious cages and cared for by keepers who have received special training (al-Ṣayrafi, 2009).

Figure 2

Historical reconstruction of Ḥayr al-Wuḥūsh based on the poems of al-Buḥturī (Al-Samarrai, 1991, p. 121)

Figure 2 above illustrates, a number of artificial waterfalls were also built. The scene inspired a court poet who described the waterfall as "like a pack of horses galloping," while the gardens surrounding the pond "resemble the feathers of a peacock's tail in colorful beauty."

After the seat of government was moved back from Samarra to Baghdad, construction activities took place very rapidly. Within a few years, rows of caliphate palaces sprang up on the eastern bank of the Tigris River to form a distinct area filled with magnificent buildings and vast gardens. The entire complex is surrounded by circular walls that have their own gates, while the Tigris River is the main axis of its spatial layout. Inside the royal complex there are twenty-three palaces. Among the most famous are Qaṣr al-Tāj (Crown Palace), Qaṣr al-Firdaws (Paradise Palace), and House of the Tree. The houses are designed with adequate ventilation so that fresh air enters and sunlight reaches the entire room (Ibn Kathīr, 2021, p. 127–128). These three buildings are often mentioned in various historical and literary sources, especially in connection with the visit of the Byzantine Empire delegation to the court of Al-Muqtadir in 917 AD.

The Byzantine envoys reported that the palace gardens stretched as far as the banks of the Tigris River. They also expressed their admiration for the splendor they witnessed. Before entering the main palace, they passed through the halls and marble passages of a building called the Riding House. Next to it is a very large animal park with special buildings to keep various wild animals, such as elephants, a hundred lions, giraffes, and leopards. Even some of the animals in the zoo are tame enough to eat directly from the hands of visitors (Mohamed, 2025). Historical sources also mention that the Tree House stands in the middle of a very beautiful garden. The building got its name from an artificial tree made of gold and silver, which stood in the middle of a large pond in front of the palace's main reception room. The tree has eighteen main branches made of gold and silver, with countless branches. The entire branch is decorated with fruits that are actually gemstones. On each branch are perched birds of gold and silver. As the wind blew past the tree, the mechanical birds made a very melodious whistling and singing sound.

To show how great the Abbasid love of nature was, the historian Al-Mas'udi notes that Al-Qahir (r. 932–934 AD) was very fond of nature (Al-Masʿūdī, 1989, p. 409). By his order a garden was built in one of the courtyards of Qaṣr al-Tāj. Although it is only about 1,500 square meters, the park is filled with orange trees imported from Basrah, as well as various other types of trees imported from Oman and India. The trees that are planted tightly but still neatly arranged produce yellow and red fruits that sparkle like stars in the night sky. Under the trees grow various shrubs, fragrant aromatic plants, a variety of flowers, and various other ornamental plants. Al-Qahir also enriched his garden with various types of birds, such as vultures, pigeons, blackbirds, and parrots brought from various distant lands.

The use of ornamental plants, various water devices, zoos, very large ponds, and fountains show the combination of various ecological ideas and traditions that eventually gave birth to the distinctive form of the garden, which is now known as the Abbasiya garden.

Political and Economic Dimensions in Abbasid Governance

The interpretation of environmental governance in the Abbasid period took place in a social and political space that brought together the interests of power, economy, recreation, public health, and religious values. The construction of parks, water systems, sanitation facilities, and irrigation networks were part of the development of the Abbasid built environment, but the function of each facility was not singular. Studies of Abbasid court gardens in Mesopotamia show that gardens were an important part of the social and daily life of the palace and were closely related to the architecture, landscape, water, flora, fauna, and setting of the palace space. Archaeological and textual evidence of the Abbasid gardens in Samarra, for example, shows a link between the garden and the palace complex and the life of the palace, while the choice of vegetation, fauna, and water element is also related to the prestige and geographical conditions of the local (Mahmoudian, 2025).

For example, the construction of al-Mutawakkiliyya during the time of al-Mutawakkil shows a strong link between the built environment and the politics of power. The new complex was built as part of the reorganization of the Samarra region and was equipped with various facilities related to the life of the palace. The Nahr al-Jaʿfarī canal, for example, was built on al-Mutawakkil's orders to supply water to the new area, first for the palace complex and then to the wider area (Van Den Bent & Brown, 2025). Studies of the Abbasid palace gardens also show that gardens, ponds, aqueducts, and audience rooms are part of the architectural configuration of the palace and daily life in the palace environment (Mahmoudian, 2025). Thus, the Abbasid palace environment is more appropriately understood as a space that combines political, recreative, aesthetic, and social functions, rather than directly being treated as a form of environmental conservation in the modern sense. It also shows that the relationship between the garden and the audience room is part of the palace architectural configuration, so that the garden can be understood in relation to the palace's life and culture. Thus, the Abbasid palace environment is more appropriately understood as a space that combines political, recreative, aesthetic, and social functions.

The economic dimension is more evident in water and irrigation management. The Mesopotamian region had a high dependence on irrigation systems to maintain agricultural productivity. Canals, dams, distribution channels, and water lifting devices allowed the management of water resources for agricultural and settlement needs. In the Abbasid fiscal context, agricultural productivity had a direct relationship with state revenues through kharāj (Sadr, 2016). The management of the water network can be understood as part of the economic infrastructure that supports agrarian production and the fiscal capacity of the state. The management of the water network can be understood as part of the economic infrastructure that supports agrarian production and the fiscal capacity of the state. Water management in the Abbasid period involved various actors, ranging from government authorities to the community. These economic interests do not eliminate the social dimension of water management. Water is a basic need of urban communities and has strong social and religious values in the Islamic tradition. The provision and utilization of water indicates the regulation of rivers, wells, canals, and the right of communities to obtain water (Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb ibn Ibrāhīm, 1984, p. 53–54).

The aspect of public health provides an important dimension in the development of the urban environment during the Abbasid period. Water management and sanitation are part of the basic needs of the community as well as an important element in maintaining the order and sustainability of urban life. Historical evidence of Abbasid urban practices shows the construction of public bathing facilities, the management of canals and waterways, and the regulation of sewage disposal locations so that they are not adjacent to water sources used for consumption (Ibn al-Faqīh, 1996, p. 289). In this framework, sanitation can be understood primarily as part of public health and urban order. The ecological consequences can indeed be in the form of improving the quality of the environment, but its historical function is closely related to the needs of the community and urban management.

The normative dimension of Islam provides a broader framework for the practice of managing these natural resources. Abū Yūsuf in Kitāb al-Kharāj explains that if the construction of a canal is seen as beneficial for the improvement of kharāj, the ruler can order the digging of the canal and the financing is charged to the bayt al-māl, not to the people living in the area. He placed the government as the party responsible for the construction and maintenance of canals because the existence of irrigation infrastructure is closely related to the sustainability and productivity of agriculture (Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb ibn Ibrāhīm, 1984, p. 110). In Maʿālim al-qurba fī aḥkām al-ḥ isbah, Ibn al-Ukhuwwah places supervision of ḥammām (public baths) and activities related to cleanliness as part of the responsibility of muḥtasib. He, for example, forbids the use of such facilities for activities that may cause disturbance to the community, including skinwashing activities that produce odors and have the potential to harm other users (Ibn al-Ukhuwwah, 1976, pp. 240–244). In al-Juwaynī's perspective, this kind of consideration is relevant to the orientation of the shari'a to the realization of benefits and the prevention of things that are contrary to it (al-Juwaynī, 1997, p. 923). Meanwhile, the idea of amānah and mīzān is understood as an ethical principle derived from the Qur'an that can broaden the reading, especially in seeing human responsibility for resources and the importance of maintaining a balance in their use.

Meanwhile, the concept of ḥimā needs to be placed in a different category. Al-Rabadhah is an important example of the ḥimā region that has rules for the use of resources and is associated with the public interest, especially the grazing of certain animals (Rāshid, 1986, pp. 88–89). However, the origins of ḥimā al-Rabadhah are placed in the time of the early caliph, not as a policy first created by the Abbasids (Gari, 2006). Therefore, its existence cannot be directly used as evidence that the Abbasid government created a new conservation policy. The literature on the history of the ḥimā indicates that the system developed as a mechanism for the protection of grazing pastures and resources, while other sources on al-Rabadhah indicate restrictions on access based on the type and function of animals, including animals related to jihad interests and charitable activities. In the Abbasid context, stronger evidence of the normative dimension of ḥimā can be attributed to al-Māwardī's work, al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭāniyya, which was compiled in the context of the Abbasid caliphate. The work is one of the comprehensive jurisprudence manuals of government jurisprudence and discusses the structure of authority and administrative issues of government (Māwardī, 1989). However, Daniel Lav's study shows that al-Māwardī's work must also be understood as a legal formulation and legitimacy of the government structure in the Abbasid period that was already under Buwayhid domination, so that its normative provisions do not automatically prove that every rule formulated is really applied uniformly throughout the Abbasid territories (Lav, 2025).

Thus, environmental governance in the Abbasid period can be understood as the result of an interaction between political, economic, recreational, public health, administrative, and religious values. The construction of parks and palace complexes mainly exhibits the cultural and political dimensions of the elite; irrigation networks are closely related to the agriculture and fiscal of the state; urban water management has social and economic dimensions; while sanitation is concerned with the health and order of the city. The relationship between these various dimensions results in a built environment that has ecological consequences, although such ecological significance is not always the explicit goal of every practice. Therefore, the ecological reading of Abbasid governance is understood as a contemporary interpretation that departs from historical evidence. At the same time, this approach maintains the distinction between the historical purpose of a practice and the ecological relevance read by contemporary research.

What Islamic Education Can Learn from Abbasid Environmental Practices

The epistemology of Islamic education with an ecological dimension finds its historical legitimacy when the ecological dimension is examined in the experience of Abbasid civilization. In this period, ontological assumptions about the unity of existence that place humans and nature in a coherent and interdependent existential network did not stop as metaphysical speculation, but rather were articulated in scientific structures and social governance. An integralistic paradigm that rejected the sharp separation between the sovereign subject and nature as a passive object was reflected in the way the Abbasid people built, cities, managed water, designed sanitation systems, and developed medical sciences and geography that considered environmental quality as a prerequisite for health and well-being. Nature is understood as a manifestation of āyāt kauniyyah which contains a theological as well as a rational message. Therefore, its management is part of the awareness of worship and collective responsibility.

In this horizon, the caliphate mandate acquires a pragmatic dimension. Humans who ontologically share elements with the earth are positioned as agents of order, not domineering actors who are free from normative boundaries (Heikkurinen et al., 2021). The principle of trust crystallizes in public policy and technological innovation that pays attention to mīzān (balance) and the prevention of fasād (damage). The construction of dams, irrigation canals, green spaces, and industrial arrangements so as not to pollute settlements show that sustainability is understood as an ethical consequence of faith structures. Thus, the ecological dimension of the Abbasid period represented a synthesis between theology, scientific rationality, and social responsibility, which formed a pattern of benefit-oriented civilization.

This epistemological framework is not only sourced from the normative texts of the Qur'an and the Sunnah, but also develops through a creative dialectic between revelation, reason, and empirical experience as reflected in the classical Islamic intellectual tradition (Siregar & Rangkuti, 2023b). Muslim theologians and philosophers built cosmological arguments that placed the order of nature as an indication of divine wisdom and providence, while scientists and practitioners in the Abbasid period translated this theological consciousness into concrete policies, such as urban planning that pays attention to air and water quality, sanitation management, dam construction, and concern for animal welfare (Douglass & Facchine, 2025). This historical evidence demonstrates that ecological knowledge in Islam is not merely normative but is translated into systematic civilizational practices aimed at promoting the public good. Nature in this construction is understood as a space of civilization that contains biological, social, intellectual, and spiritual dimensions simultaneously (Alves & Vidal, 2023). Therefore, its management cannot be reduced to a technocratic or administrative affair, but must be placed within the framework of moral responsibility that comes from theological consciousness. The value of sustainability in that period operates as a concrete expression of collective piety, in which ecological harmony is seen as part of the cosmic order that must be maintained. The dichotomy between religious science and natural science loses its relevance when all forms of knowledge are directed to reading the order of the cosmos as an expression of Divine wisdom (Siregar & Rangkuti, 2023a). Reality is not perceived as an aggregation of independent entities, but rather as a relational network loaded with ethical and metaphysical significance. Each element of nature contains a symbolic dimension that opens up a space for contemplation, as well as a material dimension that demands responsible management. Consequently, the educational process is directed at the formation of reflective consciousness that is able to integrate tafakkur, rational analysis, and moral sensitivity in reading nature as a signifying space. Learners are encouraged to see the environment not just as a resource, but as a cosmic text that calls for interpretation, reverence, and nurturing. In this context, education serves as an arena for the formation of subjects who realize that their existence is bound in history and assume transgenerational responsibilities. Thus, the orientation of tawḥīd, does not simply strengthen religious identity, but builds a civilizational consciousness that places the sustainability of life as an integral part of servitude to God.

Implementably, this ecologically-oriented Islamic education model is proposed as a conceptual design that has not been empirically tested, which can be adapted by madrassas and pesantren according to the characteristics of students, curriculum, and institutional environmental conditions. Learning outcomes are formulated using measurable operational verbs, including the ability to identify ecological principles in the Qur'an and Sunnah, analyze environmental management practices in the Abbasid period, evaluate their relevance to environmental problems around madrassas and pesantren, design solutions based on Islamic values, and demonstrate environmental conservation behavior in daily life. These competencies are directed at the formation of students who have ecological literacy, critical thinking skills, social responsibility, and awareness of carrying out the mandate as khalīfah fī al-arḍ. As such, the model is not intended to assert proven effectiveness, but rather offers a learning framework that connects Islamic historical knowledge, religious values, ecological understanding, and environmental actions that can be tested in subsequent research.

Curriculum development is carried out by integrating Islamic and scientific materials through ecological themes that have historical foundations in the Abbasid civilization. The concept of ḥimā is used as a basis for learning about regional conservation and natural resource protection in the subjects of Fiqh, Moral Faith, and Islamic Religious Education. Water management systems in the cities of Baghdad and Samarra can be integrated into science, geography, or contextual learning as material to study water resource management. Studies on urban sanitation, waste management, greening, and spatial planning can be placed as an illustration of the relationship between the development of science, environmental ethics, and Islamic civilization. However, each historical case used in learning must first be based on verified historical sources and distinguish between historical facts, scientific interpretations, and contemporary ecological readings. The integration between these subjects is directed so that learners understand the relationship between religious values and the responsibility to protect the environment without assuming that every historical practice is automatically a form of modern conservation.

As an operational illustration, one learning unit can be designed with the theme "Water Management in the Abbasid Civilization and Water Conservation in Madrasah or Islamic Boarding School". This unit is intended for students at the Madrasah Tsanawiyah or Madrasah Aliyah level and can be carried out in 4 meetings or 8 hours of lessons, which consists of strengthening historical concepts and studies, investigating water use, data analysis, and preparing and presenting conservation plans. Historical material includes verified sources regarding water management in the Abbasid period, especially water distribution systems, canals, dams, or hydraulic infrastructure relevant to the selected case. The material is then linked to the principles of mīzān, amānah, khalīfah fī al-arḍ, and the prevention of fasād as an ethical framework in understanding human responsibility for natural resources. Learning resources consist of primary historical texts or verified scientific editions, academic literature on Abbasid water infrastructure, the Qur'an and relevant hadiths, science or geography textbooks, data on the use of water in madrasas or pesantren, and student worksheets.

The learning outcomes of the unit are formulated in a measurable manner. Upon completion of the unit, students are expected to be able to: (1) identify at least three Islamic principles related to responsibility for water and the environment; (2) explain at least one water management practice in the Abbasid period based on verifiable historical sources; (3) collect and present water use data in madrassas or pesantren during the specified observation period; (4) analyze at least two water use issues based on field data; (5) design a realistic water conservation action based on Islamic values; and (6) present the results of the investigation by demonstrating the relationship between historical evidence, Islamic ecological principles, and contemporary environmental issues. These achievements allow the relationship between learning activities and assessments to be explicitly established and observable.

The learning process is carried out in four continuous meetings. The first meeting focuses on conceptual and historical reinforcement. The teacher presents verses and hadiths that are relevant to human trust in nature, then students read historical sources about water management in the Abbasid period. Students work in groups to identify the form of water management, its purpose, its social context, and the textual evidence that supports it. This activity is directed at the achievement of identifying ecological principles and explaining historical practices. The second meeting focuses on investigating the local environment. Students conduct a simple audit of water use in madrassas or pesantren by observing water use points, recording usage patterns, identifying potential waste, and, if possible, using available meter data or water use records. Teachers ensure that data collection is carried out safely and does not interfere with institutional activities. This activity is directed at the achievement of collecting and presenting environmental data.

The third meeting is the stage of analysis and design of solutions through project-based learning. The group of students compares the findings of the water audit with the principles of resource management in historical sources and Islamic values. They then develop a realistic water conservation proposal, such as improving water use habits, scheduling leak checks, installing water-saving reminders, regulating water use for specific activities, or proposing safe and appropriate water reuse in accordance with local conditions. The proposal should contain the problems found, evidence of data, Islamic principles used, proposed actions, responsible parties, resources needed, and indicators of success. The fourth meeting is used for the presentation of results, feedback, reflection, and the preparation of a follow-up plan. Students present group products, explain the relationship between Abbasid cases and water problems in their environment, receive input from teachers and other groups, and then write reflections on changes in understanding and actions that can be taken individually or collectively. The main learning product is in the form of a "Water Conservation Action Plan Based on Islamic Values", which is complemented by a summary of historical evidence, results of water use audits, identification of problems, relevant Islamic principles, action plans, division of responsibilities, and indicators of success. Supporting products can be in the form of simple tables or graphs on water use, educational posters, reflection journals, and group presentations. The product is chosen so that students do not stop at historical understanding, but are able to relate historical knowledge with the analysis of the surrounding environment and formulate actions that can be taken. However, the preparation and application of the product in this design cannot be seen as evidence of the effectiveness of the model, as the design is still a conceptual recommendation that requires empirical testing in subsequent research.

Assessments are conducted in an integrated manner by linking each activity to learning outcomes. The ability to identify ecological principles and understand historical practices is assessed through text analysis, written questions, and brief presentations. The ability to collect and analyze data is assessed through water audit sheets and data interpretation. The ability to design solutions is assessed through water conservation proposals, while the ability to apply ecological responsibility is assessed through observation of participation, cooperation, responsibility, and consistency during the project. Individual reflection is used to assess learners' ability to relate historical knowledge, Islamic values, and environmental responsibility. Thus, the assessment measures not only knowledge mastery, but also analytical skills, attitudes, and action planning. The following short rubrics can be used to assess the product and performance of the learners:

As shown in Table 4 above, Indicators of success at the learning unit level can be determined based on the achievement of learning outcomes, not on claims that the model has proven effective. Operationally, these indicators include: students are able to provide source evidence for the historical claims used; be able to present water audit data systematically; be able to identify at least two water use issues based on data; be able to relate these issues to at least one relevant Islamic ethical principle; be able to produce conservation proposals that have clear actions, responsible persons, resources, and indicators of success; and are able to explain the relationship between Abbasid history learning and contemporary environmental issues. These indicators serve as criteria for assessing learning outcomes in the proposed unit and not as evidence of the overall effectiveness of the model. Outside of the learning unit, the learning process can be developed through five main stages. The first stage is in the form of conceptual reinforcement through the study of āyāt kauniyyah, hadith, turāth books that discuss human trust to nature, as well as historical sources regarding environmental management practices during the Abbasid period. The second stage is directed at identifying environmental problems in the madrasah or pesantren area, such as waste management, water use, dormitory cleanliness, sanitation, greening, and land use. The third stage is carried out through project-based learning, which allows students to organize and implement environmental projects collaboratively. The fourth stage is in the form of field experience, such as observations to conservation areas, educational gardens, water treatment plants, or community-based environmental management institutions. The fifth stage ended with the presentation of project results, reflection based on Islamic values, and the preparation of a follow-up plan. The five stages are pedagogical designs that can be adjusted and have not been tested as models that have proven effective.

Institutional support is an important component in the implementation of the proposed design. The head of the madrasah or pesantren leader is responsible for setting policy direction, providing institutional support, and ensuring the availability of necessary time and resources. Subject teachers are responsible for integrating ecological themes into learning, facilitating the analysis of historical sources, guiding projects, and carrying out assessments. Teachers of Science, Geography, or related subjects can assist with the collection and analysis of environmental data. Ustaz or religious education managers play a role in strengthening the meaning of the values of amānah, mīzān, khalīfah fī al-arḍ, and the prevention of fasād. Education personnel and facility managers are responsible for providing water use data, helping to identify technical needs, and supporting the implementation of actions under institutional authority. Students play the role of the main implementers of investigation and project activities, while the madrasah or pesantren environmental team coordinates, monitors, and documentation. This division of responsibility is necessary so that ecological education does not stop as a classroom activity, but remains connected to the institution's environmental governance. At the institutional level, this design can be integrated into the governance of madrasas and pesantren through eco-madrasah and green pesantren programs. The proposed policies include the integration of environmental education into the curriculum and extracurricular activities; the formation of an environmental management team consisting of madrasah heads or pesantren leaders, teachers, ustaz, education staff, and students; waste management based on sorting, reduction, and recycling; water and energy saving; development of green areas through productive gardens, educational gardens, and tree planting; strengthening sanitation of dormitories, mosques, classrooms, and public facilities; as well as periodic evaluations based on indicators of cleanliness, efficiency in the use of resources, participation of institutional citizens, and sustainability of activities. In the context of this conceptual design, the policy is positioned as an institutional recommendation, not as evidence that a particular eco-madrasah or green pesantren program has produced a proven impact. Thus, the operationalization of the ecological model of Islamic education can be understood as a design that connects three layers of learning: historical knowledge, ethical-religious reflection, and contextual ecological action.